Will China remain a spectator?

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In a meme circulating on social media, President Donald Trump is shown delivering his message for the New Year: “peace on earth.” The punchline follows three days later, images of US forces storming Caracas and capturing the Venezuelan president in an unprecedented fashion. When asked about it, Trump responded that he had the authority to order military action anywhere in the world. And the only person who could stop him from doing so, he added, is himself. Trump’s political persona has always thrived on the projection of raw power and a belief that international rules exist to be bent, if not broken, by those strong enough to do so. In his second term at the White House, his instinct appears sharper, more unapologetic and far more disruptive.
Take Greenland. Trump has openly talked about acquiring Greenland “one way or another,” arguing that China or Russia will take control otherwise. The logic is familiar: pre-empt rivals, secure strategic geography and reshape the global order on Washington’s terms. That Greenland is an autonomous territory with its own people, aspirations and international legal status is treated as a footnote.
This worldview extends to the Middle East as well. As the Iranian state struggles with internal dissent, Trump has once again hinted at possibly intervening. His rhetoric oscillates between moral justification, supporting the “Iranian people,” and hard power signalling. For countries already battered by decades of interventionist policies, the message is chillingly clear: sovereignty is conditional.
Against this backdrop, a larger and more consequential question emerges: what role does China play in a world shaped by such belligerence? More pointedly, will China remain a spectator?
For decades, Beijing has followed Deng Xiaoping’s famous dictum: “hide your strength, bide your time.” This strategy allowed China to focus inward, lift hundreds of millions out of poverty, integrate into global markets and gradually expand its influence without triggering direct confrontation with the US. Even today, China prefers economic statecraft, multilateralism and cautious diplomacy over overt military posturing.
But Trump’s brand of politics threatens to upend that delicate balance. His approach is about enforcing hierarchy. Trade wars, technology bans, sanctions, military threats and territorial ambitions are all tools in a broader attempt to impose a new global order where American power is exercised with fewer inhibitions. If Trump pushes ahead with such a worldview, can China afford to simply watch from the sidelines? Or will that be mistaken for weakness?
China’s interests are no longer confined to its immediate neighbourhood. From energy routes in the Middle East to trade corridors in Latin America and Africa, Beijing has deep stakes in global stability. A US that feels emboldened to intervene anywhere, seize territory or engineer regime change directly threatens those interests. Venezuela, Iran and even Greenland are not isolated cases.
Yet China also faces constraints. A direct confrontation with the US would be economically costly and strategically risky. Beijing understands that premature escalation could derail decades of progress. This is why China is likely to respond asymmetrically, strengthening alternative institutions, deepening ties with the Global South, investing in subtle military deterrence, and leveraging diplomacy to expose US contradictions.
The real shift, therefore, may come quietly, through a more assertive Chinese posture in defending sovereignty norms, opposing unilateral interventions and coordinating with other major powers that feel similarly threatened by Trump’s belligerence.
Trump’s rise is forcing Beijing to rethink old assumptions. The question is no longer whether China will rise, but how it will respond when the rules of the game are rewritten mid-play. In a world where one leader claims the authority to act anywhere, anytime, the cost of remaining a spectator may simply be too high.
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